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What does China’s Rise Mean for the West? European Perspectives

On October 1^st, Stephen Szabo, Executive Director of the Transatlantic Academy Washington D.C., moderated a panel of distinguished speakers discussing the implications of China’s rise for the West. The Transatlantic Academy’s recent report Liberal Order in a Post-Western World focuses on how Europe and North America should adjust to an increasingly multipolar world of ideologically diverse powers, citing China as perhaps the greatest challenge. Taking the report’s recommendations as a starting point, the discussion focused on the impact of China’s ascendancy on the West, particularly on Europe.

Michael Leigh, Senior Fellow with the Transatlantic Academy began by placing the issue within the context of the ‘liberal international order.’ The EU embodies this order more than any political actor, because it is founded on the principles of political and economic freedom exemplified by the free movement of goods and people, the freedom of democracy, rule of law, and protection of human rights. According to Leigh, the EU’s approach towards foreign policy and international relations is an outward projection of these principles. The EU strongly supports a rules-based approach to the world’s trading system and continues to promote fundamental rights and freedoms.

China’s approach to international relations, however, is very different. Although China was founded on the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, the realities of China’s role as a major power have led to increased engagement internationally. Any foreign assistance from China, for example, is tied directly to trade and investment requirements. By contrast, assistance provided by the EU is rarely connected to political or trade conditions.

Leigh pointed out that China is comfortable playing international actors against each other. China takes advantage of divergence between member states and EU-institutions, for example, or the EU as a counterweight to the US. However, with TTIP on the horizon the transatlantic relationship is blossoming anew. TTIP presents a major concern for China, which fears economic exclusion and trade diversion away from its own markets. Perhaps as a response to the TTIP negotiations, China has worked closely with EU-institutions on a number of ambitious partnerships and dialogs. Most notably, China has been pushing to create a more economic relationship with the EU, but other areas of interests have also been identified, including peacekeeping operations in Africa and anti-piracy initiatives. Nevertheless, there are still a number of issues where China and the EU do not see eye to eye, such as climate change, intellectual property protection, and development assistance.

Christina Lin, Fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations at the SAIS Johns Hopkins University and Former Senior Fellow with the Transatlantic Academy, added that in order for the EU to use its partnership with China strategically, security as a common interest should be a priority, especially in the field of non-traditional security issues China’s primary interest lies in regime survival and security issues like maritime security, counter-terrorism, and internet security are at the heart of that interest. She emphasized that the Mediterranean region could provide a neutral ground to engage China. She suggests a transatlantic division of labor, as China’s engagement in the Pacific region is characterized by an antagonistic relationship with the US. According to Lin, the Mediterranean has come to play a significant role in both economic and energy as China pivots towards the West.

From the EU’s perspective, the Mediterranean region is also an important actor in matters of economic stability and security in light of current crises in Syria and the Ukraine. As Chinese and EU interests overlap in this region, Lin believes that cooperation in crisis response management in the Mediterranean could help the EU move forward in engaging with China. Best practices and lessons learned from the Mediterranean “template”, as Lin calls it, can then be used by the West to jointly pivot to Asia and encourage China to engage in rules-based approaches rather than power-based allegiances.

May-Britt U. Stumbaum, Head of the Research Group “Asian Perceptions of the EU” at the Free University of Berlin, agreed with Lin that there may be room for the EU to play a larger role in non-traditional security issues when dealing with emerging powers such as China. However, she believes that instead of a transatlantic division of labor, the EU and US should focus on a division of tasks. In her opinion, the EU’s strength lies in setting up and institutionalizing processes, while the US’ strength is in the ability to involve itself immediately in security issues, such as in the Pacific, a region far from Europe’s reach geographically.

Stumbaum further emphasized that it is important to be aware of cognitive differences when dealing with China or Asia in general, keeping in mind different cultural connotations. Differences in perception manifest themselves in the form of how countries perceive each other. To China, the EU has little in the form of a security identity; it is mainly perceived as a trading power known for luxurious goods. The same holds true for Europe, as the EU also perceives China primarily as a trading power. Both countries, therefore, have only a vague idea of each other‘s security identities.

Stumbaum pointed out that while interests may overlap in different security areas, the concept of “security” means different things to the parties involved. To the EU, the question of internet security is about how to keep the internet open but safe for users; countries like China and Russia, however, are primarily interested in how to assert state-control over the internet.

Nonetheless, Stumbaum believes that the 2020 EU-China strategic agenda promises strong opportunities for cooperation. The EU’s know-how regarding weapon export controls, maritime security, disaster management, and capacity building, as well as the EU’s ability to add multi-lateral legitimacy through its member states offers the opportunity for a transfer of knowledge. Furthermore, the EU can act as a guide for China in adapting to a rules-based international liberal order.

In the end, all panelists agreed that it was vital to figure out how to balance the EU’s values with those of other countries that have increasing influence and impact on the global stage. China has no democratic tradition, and a major ideological change is unlikely to occur soon. It is essential, therefore, to recognize that the entire international community is affected by the rise of China but that engagement will have to take on new, non-traditional forms. The EU and its member states should increasingly aim to speak with one voice, continue to engage with China, and simultaneously deepen other strategic partnerships, including its partnership with the US. The overall goal should be to bring China further into the international rules-based system. The panelists believe that combining interests and continuously seeking dialog is the most promising strategy in order to achieve and maintain a balanced “liberal international order”.

K. Kempiners